How Do Iraqi Refugees Experience Belonging?
“Do you feel like you belong to a community,” I asked Imad, an Iraqi refugee in Cairo. “Honestly, no,” he replied, “Sometimes yes, all times no. When you lose your safety in one place, you lose the desire to try again.” This feeling of isolation is pervasive amongst Iraqi refugees in Egypt. Iraqis did not express a strong sense of belonging in Egypt nor did they generally tell us they felt connected to the people around them, whether they were Iraqi or Egyptian. Throughout the course of our fieldwork, we observed that interviewees would typically qualify “belonging” by associating themselves with a particular kind of identity, having people who loved them, helping them in time of need, and feeling welcomed by others.

As a general trend, however, Iraqis seemed to be unwilling to get to know Egyptians because they felt that there were many impasses preventing them from developing a sense of belonging in Egyptian society. Some talked about how stereotypes, cultural norms, and their current circumstances made it difficult for them to get to know Egyptians. Furthermore, even within the Iraqi community, Iraqi refugees claimed that their relationships with others had been altered and veered toward self-seclusion. Many said that they do not feel comfortable talking about their past to other Iraqis because they do not want to risk revealing sensitive information that could cause issues, especially the men. Women were more comfortable with other Iraqi women and would sometimes meet for group gatherings.

Overall, Iraqi isolation manifested itself through interpersonal interactions (emotions and actions that take place between people) and institutional procedures (external factors that influence connection to one’s current space, people, and circumstances). For the most part, Iraqis said that they felt isolated because of their past traumatic experiences, the Egyptian state’s institutional restrictions, and the general sense of discomfort, instability, and lack of general support. In addition, the perceived dangers stemming from Cairo’s political unrest, the stress of displacement, obtaining refugee status, and hopes for resettlement made it difficult for many Iraqis to wholly connect to their Egyptian community. 

Social Environment: Unrest and the Dangers of Cairo
For many Iraqi refugees, social interaction was a big part of their lives before displacement. Nahla, a 39 year-old mother of three, described how she engaged in volunteer work in her old neighborhood in Iraq. She did this because of humanitarian reasons, as she claimed that taking part in direct human interaction made her feel more connected to the people around her, specifically those that she was helping. In Egypt, she no longer gets to enjoy the same feeling of belonging as she spends most of her time alone and indoors.

Unfortunately, freedom of space and time are luxuries that Iraqi refugees do not get to enjoy in Egypt. She said that the absence of interpersonal connection makes her feel isolated from the Egyptian community around her. Her daughters also noted that they felt isolated; whereas her oldest daughter, Jamila rejects affiliating herself with Egyptians, the younger daughter, Zeena, chooses to “accept the things in Egypt.”

On top of this, Iraqi refugees had to deal with a very difficult social environment because of the unrest in Cairo. Iraqi refugees talked about how much Cairo and Egypt have changed since the revolution. As a result, their social situation had gone from bad to much worse. Before the revolution, Iraqis said that life in Cairo was generally peaceful and Egyptians were friendly, but after Mubarak was overthrown Iraqi refugees became afraid to walk on the streets because they felt an increased chance of being attacked or abused. According to the Iraqis, Egypt’s current political and social climate had become so dangerous that they felt forced to isolate themselves for their own protection. Iraqi refugees said that they reacted this way because of both heard and experienced hardships One Iraqi, Hassan, spoke of being mugged and beaten.

Most Iraqi refugees spend time in their homes and do not interact with other Egyptians or even with other Iraqis in the community. In some cases, parents barely let their children out of the house because they believe that Cairo is too dangerous. Essam, a fifty year old father of three, said that although he lives within walking distance to his daughter’s school, he drives her each day, taking extra precautions because of her heart condition, caused by a bombing in Iraq, makes her susceptible to panic attacks and severe heart palpitations. He feels that her school is not safe, either, because fights frequently break out. Furthermore, certain Iraqis said that the stressful environment causes them psychological problems. Rana described how her 15-year-old son, Khaled, had become asocial because of the dangerous environment in Cairo. “Look at his face,” she said, as she pointed to her son’s severe acne, indicating that his psychological stress and fear had provoked a physical reaction. As in the case of Khaled, other Iraqis we met described feeling socially isolated and experiencing physical and psychological effects. Increasingly isolated, Iraqis expressed an inability to trust others, including other Iraqis.

Lack of Trust, Lack of Relationships
Iraqis claimed that they felt unable to trust other Iraqis in Egypt. During one interview, we asked a family why they had left Iraq. Initially, the father gave a cursory reason, however, around an hour and a half later he gave more details. He described how unknown terrorist groups had persecuted his family because of his involvement with American soldiers. After the interview, our research associate explained that many Iraqis are still unsure if they can trust other Iraqis because they never know who is on what side. This fear stems from the fact that for Iraqi refugees, these dangers still feel very real and can cause tangible problems. In this situation, they were especially apprehensive about our research associate who was also Iraqi; because of his Iraqi identity, our interviewees would probably not have shared as much if he did not seem trustworthy to them.

Iraqis also have difficulty forming relationships with the Egyptian people; they described their interactions as ranging from extremely hostile to inconsequential. One example of a hostile relationship was between Hind’s family and her neighbor. Hind and her family are practicing Shiites, but never openly talk about their religion because Egyptians are primarily Sunni and often do not understand or oppose Shiite practices. When she first arrived, she said that her relationship with her Sunni Egyptian neighbor was cordial and friendly, (the neighbor even helped them move in when they first arrived). This radically changed when the neighbor found out that they are Shiite; she told everyone in the apartment complex and refused to speak to Hind. She said that her neighbor even believed that they “cooked their food with urine.” Furthermore, Hind described how her husband began to receive death threats. One night he was almost beaten to death on his way back from work. This example shows how the way that others perceived Hind’s family drastically shifted their sense of belonging; it went from acceptance to complete rejection. Beyond how others perceived Iraqi refugees, the dynamics within Iraqi families equally impacted their sense of belonging.

Family Dynamics and Egyptian Society
Each family situation affected individuals differently. Within the family, Iraqis experienced feeling very isolated to having an even stronger sense of openness (at least between family members). Even though none of the families interviewed felt like they belonged to the general Egyptian community, they sometimes felt closer to each other because of their hardship. As they increasingly become closer to each other, they often engage less with their surrounding community. There was even one case in which the mother and son slept in the same bed so that they could be closer to each other. They became close largely because the father was abusive and left them on their own in Cairo. All they had was each other for emotional support. As such, they did not have any other friends in Egypt.

There were a few examples, however, in which tensions between family members resulted in a stronger sense of belonging with the outside community, particularly with those who live in Egyptian apartment complexes. Rana spoke about how her husband kicked her and her son out of the house once in the middle of the night. Her Egyptian neighbors, with whom she had never spoken, took her in after hearing the loud noises. It seemed as though they had taken pity upon her and even though they knew of her Iraqi identity, it didn't matter in the face of this abuse. Rana said that her relationship with her neighbors had become more cordial as they had seemed to surpass some sort of superficial barrier. She felt that this incident prompted her to enjoy a smaller sense of belonging with her neighbors.

These examples illustrate how family can be both inclusive and excluding depending on the dynamics and relationships with people in the surrounding community. The Egyptians who figured in each account were either helpful or harmful in this process, but this effect was also brought about because of the relationship within Iraqi families as well.

Egyptian Customs, Stereotypes, Traditions vs. Iraqi Perception
The Iraqis we spoke with did not feel like they belonged because of general customs that are incompatible with their norms; they simply do not connect with the Egyptian way. One woman, Jamila, explained, that it is not so much a question of integration being an issue as much as seeing how different they are from the Egyptians, which pushes them away from getting close. “It’s not about being accepted; it's mainly about cultural differences. We do it like this and they do it like that." As an example, she mentioned the commonplace female harassment in Egyptian streets. In Iraq, harassment is something that is not accepted as widely as it is in Cairo, as such she does not feel that she can readily relate to a culture of people who accept this as a part of their daily lives. Jamila believes that the cultural differences therefore played an integral role in strengthening her Iraqi cultural ties against Egyptian.

For some Iraqi refugees, stereotypes also contributed to creating barriers between themselves and Egyptians. One man said that he does not have any Egyptian friends for two reasons, in part because he stays busy with work, but also because he “simply does not trust them.” He said that there is a pervasive stereotype about Iraqis in Egypt, that all Iraqis are rich. He said that he grew up believing that Egyptians only care about money and want to exploit Iraqis.  He maintained these assumptions about Egyptians because it was how his family had always talked about them: “When I visited Egypt before, when I lived in Iraq, they said to be cautious.” Similarly, one interviewee said that the Iraqis perceive that Egyptians do not value close family ties in the same way.

These stereotypes and customs appeared to create real barriers between certain Iraqis and Egyptians. Furthermore, it was startling to see how Egyptian political structures cemented these barriers and seemed to further exclude Iraqis from the political landscape.

Egyptian Political Policies and Public Exclusion
Despite signing international conventions that protect refugees’ rights, Egypt has many reservations about following through with this commitment. Most Iraqi refugees are middle to upper middle class professionals who had high paying jobs in Iraq. One refugee said that living in Egypt was the first time he had lived in an apartment so small, as his first home had four bedrooms, a large garden, and a garage. In Egypt, however, he is unable to practice his profession because the government does not recognize Iraqi degrees or work documents. As a result, many Iraqis cannot assimilate into the professional world. One interviewee shared the difficulty in adjusting and connecting with new co-workers because he is embarrassed about his change in status, “Going from doctor to psychosocial worker, it isn’t that being psychosocial worker isn’t a good job, it’s just difficult making that jump down.”

There are also difficulties for Iraqi youth, as the Egyptian government forbids Iraqis from attending public schools. Parents must be able to afford private school or pay for private tutors for their children to get an education. In some families, the youngest children have assimilated best because they are able to develop Egyptian accents and can easily make friends their age. One child’s closest friends were Egyptians, and the Iraqi friends he did have could not understand him because of his adopted dialect. On the other hand, none of the Iraqi adults seemed to have close or meaningful relationships with Egyptians their age. One interviewee said that she has only one very close friend who is also Iraqi. The youngest typically felt closest to Egyptian culture and the people around them since they had a longer time to adapt and were raised in Egyptian traditions. Adults, however, already have friends and close family members back in Iraq or displaced elsewhere; many of the interviewees said that they use communication devices such as Viber, Skype, and email.

The policies in place intend to exclude Iraqis from cultivating fulfilling lives in Egypt. Their situation is further complicated because of the nature of their arrival, which is mainly linked to traumatic events and drastic changes in their lives.   Displacement: Splitting Families and Reducing Identities
Even with the tools to stay connected, displacement has ruptured relationships with family members in Iraq. Hind described how she and her husband left Iraq partly because of the pressures that they were receiving for being a “mixed-sect” marriage. Even though this is a common practice in Iraq, it was problematic with their families. Once she arrived in Egypt with her husband, she still felt guilty about the strained relationship with her family, especially her father. She said she still received calls from him pleading her to return. In addition, because of the constant worry of being killed by Egyptian Sunnis, she became an insomniac and was therefore unable to interact with anyone outside of the house. Her general nature of arrival and displacement had affected her ability to fit in with the culture, as she spent most of her day cleaning and catching up on sleep when she could; instead of meeting others, displacement forced her to focus on daily preoccupations and past worries.   

Beyond the alienating process of displacement, seeking asylum can be equally isolating. One of the main reasons this is the case is because of how reductive it is. Being ascribed the label “refugee” carries many negative connotations.  Realizing their outside status, Iraqis have to rely on the very few resources available to them. Some Iraqis spoke about how marginalized they felt in comparison to other refugees who were getting quicker and more comprehensive help and treatment. Iraqis are no longer a primary concern for the Egyptian government due to the new wave of Syrian refugees. Iraqis also have increasing difficulty receiving aid from NGO’s after being in Egypt for close to ten years now.

Imagining the Future, Remembering the Past
For some, the idea of home is bittersweet because of the loss of family members. Some long for marriages and children, some seek only protection, and others hope to be resettled in countries such as the United States, learning English and adopting American customs. Some have shut down all hopes of finding belonging and view their future as “black,” devoid of purpose and meaning. Many memories of their lives in Iraq make it difficult to connect to the present or think of the future.

Likewise, dreams of the future equally prompt Iraqi refugees to stifle belonging, as some begin to fantasize over the day that they will have a better future. In simultaneously reflecting on the past and thinking about the future, Iraqi refugees can feel isolated and distant from the present. Hassan said, “I want resettlement because right now I feel I do not have a motherland, because I don’t consider Iraq my motherland. When I get resettlement, I will get a home for me, a homeland. At that time I will feel secure and like a person that belongs.” He applied for resettlement six years ago and his status is still “pending” by the International Organization of Migration (IOM), which is in charge of facilitating refugee integration through resettlement services. Resettlement agencies sometimes do not formally reject people, but this lapse means that he will likely not be resettled. This perpetual waiting bolsters the possibility of hope and the vision of being relocated at any time. As a result, he does not see a need to try to assimilate.  

Conclusion
On the personal and institutional levels, Iraqi refugees clearly have difficulty cultivating a sense of belonging in Egypt. Whether it was because of Egyptian laws, their environment, lack of friends, absence of family, Egyptian community, family dynamics, displacement, seeking asylum, resettlement, and thinking about the past or the future, Iraqis face multiple issues which profoundly impact their sense of belonging and the way they associate with certain identities and people. While each individual experience is distinct, they all face a “lack” in their lives in Egypt.