Iraqi identity in the Context of Displacement
What does it really mean to be an Iraqi refugee living in Cairo? Too often, refugees are generalized and grouped under one single category, yet I don’t believe this single “refugee” identity does adequate justice to the different experiences of different groups of refugees. Refugee identity is multifaceted, as it includes both a recognized international category and a refugee’s own self-identification. The UNHCR grants refugees a pragmatic, legal identity through refugee status determination. This identity applies to those who have fled their home country and are unable to return because of a well-founded fear of persecution. However, a refugee’s self-identification is unique to the individual, and a new identity develops in the context of displacement, what I will refer to as Iraqiness. This term describes how they view themselves in this new context, and incorporates elements of national pride and fondness towards their homeland. By looking at the factors that result in the development of Iraqiness, insight is given to their experiences as refugees in Cairo.
Leaving Iraq
Iraqi identification took on new importance and meaning in 2003, following the American invasion. Initially, many Iraqis believed that the war was going to end quickly. However, after 2006, when the Shi’ite mosque Al-Askari was bombed, allegedly by Sunni extremists linked to Al-Qaeda, a civil war erupted between the Sunni and Shia Muslims. The tensions initiated by the bombing of Al-Askari still plague Iraq today. According to the refugees we spoke to in Cairo, the only identity that mattered before this bombing was an Iraqi identity. For example, couple Jamila and Ghalib both stated that before the war they “knew nothing about the Shia/Sunni divide.” Thirty-four year old Firas is a Shia married to a Sunni woman. He says that before the war “there were no issues; you could tell there were no differences at that time… no discrimination.” However, in 2006, Firas’s mixed-sect marriage made him target in the midst of the sectarian civil war. Consequently, he was kidnapped by Al-Qaeda. His kidnappers demanded that Firas divorce his Sunni wife. Firas was released from Al-Qaeda’s grasp on the basis that he agreed to divorce his wife. Instead, he fled to Cairo.
At the time of the bombing, war and sanctions were already in full force in Iraq. The bombing of Al-Askari mosque was the tipping point of the Iraq war. Iraqis were threatened on the basis of their religious identity. Car bombs became a common occurrence. Random public killings became rampant. Millions of Iraqis feared for their lives and sought refuge in other countries.
Cultural Elements
The development of Iraqiness in the context of displacement has brought elements of Iraqi culture to the forefront of refugees’ minds. Many cultural elements such as food, music, and morals stem from the remembrance of Iraq as a homeland. Refugees long for the safety and security that characterized pre-war Iraq.
As part of our interview process, Iraqis were asked to draw a map of their version of “home.” It is important to clarify that the question was not for them to draw an actual home, but rather, the representation of their ideal home. Iraqi women in particular would often draw a physical representation of Iraq including the palm tree, a symbol of the country. It was repeated that Iraq was their homeland, the place they raised their children, the “perfect place.”
Jamila said this about her homeland: “Everything in Iraq was perfect.” Many of the Iraqis in Cairo wish for Iraq to return to the conditions from before the war. Despite the love and connection to their homeland, the recent horrific memories of the war make Iraqis hesitant to return. For many in the Iraqi refugee community in Cairo, resettlement is their ideal future. Hassan states, “I don’t consider Iraq my motherland anymore. I don’t feel like I belong to any country, so I want resettlement—to consider the new country, the new land, as my motherland.” Iraqiness is contingent upon the context of displacement; if resettled, many Iraqis would change and adapt to the new situation.
Treatment
Political institutions such as the UNHCR, the International Organization for Migration (IOM), and their partners address refugees based upon their nationality. Many Iraqis living in Cairo believe these institutions treat them differently because they are from Iraq. The UNHCR, the IOM, and their partners identify the Iraqis as refugees in accordance with the definition laid out in the 1951 Convention on the Status of the Refugee. In theory, this refugee identity should assist Iraqis in Cairo by granting them basic rights. However, in practice, all refugees are not granted the same rights. The treatment in Cairo affects the Iraqis living there, who all have different responses towards their national identity.
Iraqis in Cairo have mixed feelings towards their recognition as a refugee by the UNHCR. In one sense, they are content with refugee identification because it allows for the potential to resettle. Yet refugee status also continues to remind them that Egypt is not their home. One refugee, Husam, relayed a story of trying to receive help from the Iraqi embassy. This experience caused him to conclude, “It no longer means anything to be Iraqi.” When he called the embassy, they told him the embassy was unable to assist him, because they did not want to damage their international relations with Egypt. Husam now feels as though his homeland can do nothing for him.
Egypt is a signatory to the 1951 Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees, the subsequent 1967 Protocol, as well as the 1969 OAU Refugee Convention in Africa. As a signatory to this convention, Egypt is mandated by international law to provide certain rights to refugees. Yet, Egypt made reservations to the refugee convention. In Egypt, refugees are barred from entering the work force, prohibited from entering public schools and universities, and granted limited access to public health care facilities. Refugee identification cards read “cannot work.” Iraqis living in Cairo have the education and previous work experience that would make them valuable members of the Egyptian work force. Yet, they are restricted to remaining at home or working illegally, where they risk exploitation.
Additionally, it is a common theme among Iraqis that they believe their needs are being ignored by the UNHCR, the IOM, and the general international community. One Iraqi woman said, “We wish the UN took us Iraqis seriously, because I cannot stay here forever and I cannot go back.” Iraqis believe that they have been cast aside for the Sudanese and Syrians and that they are not getting resettled at the same rate as other populations. They also believe that they are not given the same access to resources. The Iraqis have expressed special frustration regarding the resettlement process through the UNHCR and the IOM. In a women’s focus group, many of the women voiced that they have gone for years without hearing about any progress on their resettlement case. They expressed frustration because they feel as though the UN is not taking their struggles in Cairo seriously. Maryam, an Iraqi woman, became very emotional as she recounted her experience at the UNHCR. The employees at the UN told her that they could not help her, because her experience as a refugee does not qualify her and her family for resettlement. “Should I lie until they tell me I have a story? There’s just no assistance for us.”
The resettlement process involves many moving parts and refugees must navigate the bureaucratic red tape in order to access specific information regarding their cases. Unfortunately, the inability to receive concrete answers has only furthered the Iraqi belief that they are being cast aside. The UNHCR’s quota for resettling refugees to third countries from Egypt is only 2,000 per year. Despite this, in 2012, only 1,600 were resettled. Within Egypt, Iraqis compete with Sudanese, Syrians, Somalis, Eritreans, and refugees from other countries for these limited resettlement opportunities. Therefore, while a majority of Iraqi refugees will apply for resettlement, very few will actually be granted the opportunity to resettle. Those not granted resettlement would remain in a state of limbo as they wait to hear from the IOM, UNHCR, and the US State Department about their case. Some may never hear but cling to the hope that they will be able to leave Cairo. Across the board, Iraqis express frustration with the difficulty they face in getting answers to their questions, characterizing their lives in Cairo as ones filled with anxious expectancy.
As refugees, additional strains and burdens are placed on Iraqis, negatively affecting their living situation in Cairo. Iraqis feel as though they are running out of solutions. While the realistic chance of resettlement is slim, returning to Iraq is not a viable option. In 2009, the Iraqi government offered free transportation to refugees interested in returning to Iraq. Those that were fed up with the living conditions of Cairo and chose to return realized quickly that Baghdad is still not safe. Within days of returning, these Iraqis were exposed to the dangers plaguing Baghdad. Al-Qaeda has built a stronghold, targeting members of the Shia population. Some of the Iraqis who have family back in Iraq talk with each other about the condition back home. Their family members report of frequent car bombings and killings in public places at the hands of the various militias. Firas returned home in 2009 after being told that Baghdad was safe to return. Within days of being back, Al-Qaeda targeted his house. They dug graves in his backyard and put their signature mark on his house. He returned to Cairo shortly thereafter. While some Iraqis have indeed returned back to Baghdad, for those in Cairo we spoke to, the death and destruction is too vividly ingrained in their memory to return. At the same time, many Iraqis we spoke with emphasized the positive memories of their lives in Iraq before the U.S. invasion.
Cairo Context
Cairo as a location has helped to facilitate the development of Iraqiness. Egypt is politically unstable, causing many refugees to feel unsafe living in Cairo. Additionally, there is a cultural divide between Iraqis and Egyptians that makes community integration difficult. Cairo has caused many Iraqis, particularly Iraqi women, to desire stability and security. For many, the concepts of stability and security are synonymous with living in pre-war Iraq.
“I was born and raised in Iraq. I was taught by my parents there and taught my kids there.” The ultimate dream of the Iraqis in Cairo is to return to living in the conditions of pre-war Iraq. In reality, they recognize the danger of returning to present-day Baghdad, but continue to feel that they do not belong in Cairo. Many Iraqis who took refuge in Cairo were middle class and are college educated. Back in Iraq, they had successful jobs and were financially stable. Unfortunately, this caused the Iraqi refugees to be stereotyped as rich outsiders who were taking away jobs and resources from Egyptian citizens. Egyptians have not proven welcoming to the Iraqis. While in public places in Cairo, 32- year old Maisa and her husband Daoud said that they feel harassed. She says that when they walk to the mall nearby, Egyptians yelled things such as, “If you don’t like it here, go back home,” “you took everything from us,” and “you made everything go bad.” Iraqis consistently fear harassment in Cairo because they are immediately identified by their dialect.
This fear of harassment and discrimination is a product of the Egyptian revolution. Upon first arrival, many Iraqis did not feel as insecure with their situation. Following the revolution and the current rule under Mohammad Morsi, these Iraqis in Cairo have started to fear daily harassment. Reem frankly stated, “I do not feel secure,” when asked about how she feels living in Cairo. She then elaborated, “because we are foreigners, we feel bad things more than Egyptians do.”
As Iraqis are considered outsiders in Cairo, they have a difficult time assimilating into the Egyptian community. Iraqis believe fundamentally that the Iraqi and Egyptian cultures are so different as to be incompatible. Reem spoke about her experience in Egypt, stating, “I hardly feel that I melt with Egyptians or connect with them. It is hard to get along.” Reem attributed the culture clash to differences in values between Iraqis and Egyptians. Majid and his family explained to us that they have a hard time maintaining relations with Egyptians because they have a “different style.” They believe that Egyptians are either too conservative in their beliefs or too liberal. “Egyptians are different, and there are a lot of things they accept that we can’t.”
Iraqi refugees are not the only ones who recognize the strain in relations between themselves and Egyptians. Refugee aid organizations such as St. Andrews’ Refugee Services and the Psycho-Social Training Institute in Cairo (PSTIC) also acknowledge this. Both of these organizations operate with the end goal of self-sufficiency for the refugees and hope to eliminate the necessity for international intervention. Egypt is not currently in a state where this goal can be achieved. Dr. Nancy Baron, when speaking with us, said that she developed PSTIC with the intent to transition it to being community-run. However, she acknowledges that she is unable to hand this project over to the community, because relations are not stable enough between refugees and Egyptians.
One of the largest frustrations for many Iraqis living in Cairo is that after seven years, they are still stuck in Cairo. Initially, many Iraqis fled to Cairo because it offered a place for a temporary solution. Ideally, many Iraqis wanted to wait out the war and then return home. Others looked to Cairo as a transit destination, from where they could resettle to a third country and start a new life. However, it has now become apparent that either of these options has complications. To add to their frustrations, life in Cairo has not been what many Iraqis had expected. Iraqis living in Cairo believe that their quality of life is lower than what they experienced before they left Iraq. Many college-educated professionals are now condemned to sitting at home, waiting out the days. Laith spoke about his feelings towards living in Egypt, “I have been disappointed because Egypt has not been how I imagined, like a place of opportunity or better life.”
Conclusion
Iraqiness is a unique identity that develops in the context of displacement in Cairo. While Iraqiness contains many different elements, what sets this identity apart is that it developed through displacement, and continues to develop as circumstances within the host country change. By looking at the factors that contribute to the development of this identity, it is possible to gain insight into the Iraqi refugee experience in Cairo. For many of the Iraqis we spoke to in Cairo, being forced to flee their home caused a feeling of nostalgia for a time when their lives were peaceful and stable. In addition to desiring better living conditions, many of the Iraqis living in Cairo have begun to believe that their Iraqi national identity has had a negative impact on their treatment, particularly after the recent revolution in Cairo.

